
The first thing I notice when I head out of Mogadishu is the number of roadblocks.
Most of war-ravaged central and southern Somalia is now controlled by al-Shabab, an Islamist group which the US believes has links to al-Qaeda. Yet their fighters are not completely in control; I see roadblocks run by three different groups as I head to Agfoye, a town 29km (18 miles) north-west of Mogadishu.
Despite intense and bloody battles, the government is still in charge of parts of the capital and they run the first checkpoint where passengers have to pay them money to carry desperate
ly needed goods in and out of the city.
Then just a little further along I come across the first checkpoint manned by al-Shabab, the very secretive but well-organised militia at the centre of the conflict in Somalia.
Most of war-ravaged central and southern Somalia is now controlled by al-Shabab, an Islamist group which the US believes has links to al-Qaeda. Yet their fighters are not completely in control; I see roadblocks run by three different groups as I head to Agfoye, a town 29km (18 miles) north-west of Mogadishu.
Despite intense and bloody battles, the government is still in charge of parts of the capital and they run the first checkpoint where passengers have to pay them money to carry desperate
ly needed goods in and out of the city.Then just a little further along I come across the first checkpoint manned by al-Shabab, the very secretive but well-organised militia at the centre of the conflict in Somalia.


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ged” now “as the face of corruption” and “the greatest obstacle to Nigeria’s development”, while Ribadu sees Ibori as one of those who’ve made an industry of fabricating lies against him to get the attention of President Umaru Yar’Adua, part of which led to the loss of his position as the Chairman of the 


Abdullahi Dikko 
which started in 2004 during 




opponents, real or imagined, or sponsored assassinations against them. Also in 1986, one of Babangida's closest childhood friends, 

















